1. Usually they charge the predicate crime.

2. FECA has never been used as a predicate crime.

3. I don't believe a campaign finance reporting violation has been tried as election interference.

4. There are a lot of unsettled questions about these laws like can 175.10 point to a federal crime? Is hasn't been prosecuted that way before. Can it point to FECA despite FECA's broad preemption?

Law professors discussing these issues below.

https://shugerblogcom.wordpress.com/2023/04/04/a-potential-p...

https://law.syracuse.edu/news/professor-gregory-germain-writ...

The examples in the article tie the business records crime to another crime that’s at least charged, things like insurance fraud, failing to pay taxes, fraudulently obtaining government benefits, etc. Remarkably, prosecutors couldn’t find evidence of “Kinpin” Trump doing any of those things.

The problem with the Trump prosecution is that it is predicated on an uncharged and rarely used election law crime, and that in turn is predicated on an uncharged federal campaign finance crime. It’s a double bank shot. It’s fair to say that prosecutors didn’t have occasion to charge someone else with a documents crime in connection with an election law crime. But there’s not a single example in your list where prosecutors upgraded the documents crime to a felony based on a chain of two other, uncharged, crimes that relate to far-flung areas of the law.

On top of that, the uncharged predicate crimes have been interpreted in a sweeping way. According to New York prosecutors, agreeing with others to suppress bad news during a campaign is criminal election interference, so long as it can be connected to any other “unlawful” act.

Then the third piece, the unlawful act underpinning the election interference charge, is a federal campaign finance violation that SDNY declined to prosecute, and which New York couldn’t have brought against Trump.

There’s the statute of limitations and jurisdictional issues: none of the claims could have been brought by themselves. There’s the due process issue: because they were not charged, Trump’s counsel had no way to challenge the novel interpretations of the election interference and election law charges.

Cuomo (the former NY AG) and Honig (a former federal prosecutor) are correct. A case based on such an elaborate legal theory with as much hair on it as this one had would not have been brought unless the defendant was Donald Trump.

This case was architected by Carey Dunne, my former boss at Davis Polk. If this case had instead been brought against a gang member, him and folks at Davis Polk would be lining up to do the appeal. But instead they have abandoned the principles of the legal profession and are looking the other way out of class loyalty. It’s shameful and a stain on the profession.

Ultimately the prosecution proved Trump’s indictment of the professional managerial class. They cannot be trusted to uphold the principles of their professions, and will abuse the authority those professions confer to advance their own ideological agendas.

This is persuasive to nobody that doesn’t start from the assumption Trump is a criminal. The irony is that I used to share that assumption, because I’m a pretty trusting person. But after almost eight years of the smartest lawyers in the country going after him, I’m not so sure. My former boss at a white shoe law firm in New York helped engineer the New York case, and it’s the same kind of contrived legal theory the firm would use to help a corporate client make it seem like all their income was earned in Bermuda. Utterly unpersuasive.